The Independence Memorial Museum in Namibia was built by Mansudae, a North Korean state construction firm. The museum is one of many buildings, statues, and factories in Sub-Saharan Africa with similar origins. Historically, the Kim dynasty fostered partnerships throughout Africa by appealing to a shared belief in anticolonialism and demonstrating its self-reliance, known as juche in North Korea. Although these commonalities in ideology helped Pyongyang open diplomatic ties in Sub-Saharan Africa, they soon evolved into economic and military relationships. ​Let’s examine what North Korean diplomatic efforts are like in Namibia and Uganda.

The politically convenient narrative that exclusively focuses on the US–South Korea alliance’s deterrence and defence against North Korea fails to capture some important functions the alliance has fulfilled historically. The alliance has restrained both Seoul and Washington from taking risky actions against North Korea, it has generally contributed to a better relationship between South Korea and Japan, and the alliance and the US military bases in South Korea raise the strategic value of South Korea to China.

The Olympics are usually a time for countries and individuals to practice sports diplomacy. A recent, notable example was with the PyeongChang 2018 Winter Olympics and the joint women’s hockey team composed of North and South Korean athletes. South Korea and Japan have called on sport diplomacy in the past to show unity and strength with neighbouring countries. However, the 2021 Tokyo Olympics is happening against the backdrop of aggravated relations between South Korea and Japan. Recent years have seen a marked increase of tensions and stressed relations as unresolved issues from Japanese occupation of the Korean Peninsula re-emerge. Despite its intended apolitical nature, this year’s Olympics have acted as a catalyst to some of these political and social frustrations.

South Korea participated in the G7 summit held in the UK on 11-13 June as one of four guest countries. UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson extended an invitation to President Moon Jae-in to attend the summit earlier this year, after US President Donald Trump did the same last year before the summit was cancelled. Moon’s participation in the weekend’s summit came after Foreign Minister Chung Eui-yong’s trip to the UK to participate in the G7 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting last May. For South Korea, participation in the G7 is one of the most important moments in the history of the country’s foreign policy since its transition to democracy in 1987. Other momentous occasions include normalisation of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and China in 1990 and 1992, respectively; accession to the OECD in 1996; or membership of the upgraded G20 since its launch in 2008.

North Korea is a de facto nuclear power. In this brief, Ramon Pacheco Pardo discusses the advantages and disadvantages of pursuing an arms control deal to cap and roll back its nuclear programme, as opposed to focusing on the unrealistic goal of denuclearisation.

Presidents Moon Jae-in and Joe Biden held their first face-to-face summit last Friday, May 21st. Moon became only the second leader to have a physical meeting with Biden, which shows the importance that the new US administration affords to Washington’s alliance with South Korea. The summit was the highlight of Moon’s four-day visit to the US. The South Korean president and his US counterpart issued a joint statement which was nearly twice as long as the previous one issued by Moon and former president Donald Trump in June 2017. For the duration and outcome of the summit went beyond the best expectations that the South Korean side had in advance.

While the EU is responding positively to President Biden´s overtures to allies and is ready to extend its Transatlantic engagement with the US to an Indo-Pacific partnership, both partners have to find common ground which takes into account their interests. The EU´s tryptic towards China – partner, competitor, rival – resonates with the US. The EU´s focus is on providing a level playing field, applying multilateralism and openness when and where possible, a policy China´s assertiveness and infringement of human rights renders difficult. Engagement of the EU in the Indo-Pacific…

Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin have wrapped up the second day of their visit to South Korea. The fact that Japan and South Korea were the first two countries visited by Blinken and Austin shows the importance that the Biden administration affords to its allies in East Asia and, more broadly, in the Indo-Pacific region. In this respect, the Biden administration seems to see Seoul as a key partner as it tries to shore up Washington’s foreign policy and international standing following from the Donald Trump administration.

Understanding the characteristics of the Pacific Alliance provides valuable policy recommendations for South Korea’s involvement in the region. Notably, one of South Korea’s foreign policy priorities is to strengthen diplomatic relations to increase trade and economic ties with other countries. However, improving South Korea-PA relations as geopolitical neighbours and allies will to a great extent be contingent on the perspectives and views they have of each other, as well as the possibilities they see to maximise the benefits of already existing links.

On 4 January 2021, less than a week before the scheduled visit of South Korea’s First Vice Foreign Minister Choi Jong-kun, Iran seized the South Korean chemical tanker Hankuk Chemi and its 20-member crew near the Strait of Hormuz between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. South Korea immediately dispatched the Cheonghae anti-piracy unit to waters near the Strait of Hormuz. The Iranian government insists that a “technical” matter of marine pollution triggered the seizure, but Tehran has so far not presented the evidence according to South Korea’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.